By Carlos Nelson Coutinho
Concentrating on the crucial thoughts of the felony Notebooks and pertaining to them to the heritage of contemporary political rules, Gramsci's Political inspiration demonstrates that Gramsci’s principles stay proper for realizing today's global. Written by means of a number one Brazilian Marxist theorist, this booklet offers some of the most succinct and theoretically centred introductions to Gramsci's concept to be had in any language.
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Additional info for Gramsci's Political Thought (Historical Materialism Book Series, Volume 38)
Gramsci 1992a, p. 231; 1990b, pp. 197–8. 24. Gramsci 1971a, p. 182. 25 The first concrete application of the idea of ‘supplementary phases’ (or intermediate phases) would appear clearly during the period of the Matteotti crisis of 1924, when Fascism – publicly-accused of having murdered the socialist congressman – suffered an intense and apparently fatal crisis of hegemony and legitimacy; at this point, it became evident that it was possible for a ‘democratic intermezzo’, in the words of Gramsci, to take place between the fall of Fascism and the projected dictatorship of the proletariat, that is, for a return to the liberal-democratic régime under the leadership of the bourgeois anti-Fascist parties together with the reformist parties.
5. Gramsci 1987, p. 622; 1990a, p. 293. 6. Spriano 1971, p. 47 ff. 16 • Chapter Two transform the organisation into an expression of the ‘collective worker’ and would adhere more directly and immediately to the production-process, enabling it to control and manage it. Once these changes were achieved, the internal commission would become the factory-council. These changes in the working régime aimed to promote an essential change of function: the factory-councils are no longer seen as instruments for defending the worker’s immediate rights, but as the means to lift the worker from the condition of a wage-earner to that of a producer.
Gramsci and Bordiga From the outset, the proposals of L’Ordine Nuovo were widely accepted by Turin’s workers, and particularly by metalworkers. 11 Soon came the negative reaction from the reformist unions and from the national executive of the PSI: the Metalworkers’ Federation accused Gramsci and his friends of being ‘revolutionary syndicalists’, ‘anarcho-syndicalists’, and, above all, of trying to undermine the role and the action of traditional unions. Serrati was scandalised by the idea of granting the right to vote in the council-elections to non-unionised workers; to him, this would lead to the Party and the unions losing control of the new organs.